BBC: Why India Still Turns to the Hunger Strike to Move Power

It took 58 days without food to change India's map. When Potti Sriramulu began fasting in October 1952, he was asking for something then prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru had repeatedly resisted: a separate state for Telugu speakers. Sriramulu, a quiet Gandhian who had already undertaken several fasts for social causes, believed only self-sacrifice could force Delhi to listen.

It did. On the 58th day, Sriramulu died. Crowds poured onto the streets across the Telugu-speaking regions. Government buildings were attacked, railway lines blocked, and several reportedly died in the unrest that followed. Days later, Nehru announced the creation of Andhra state. Within a few years came the States Reorganisation Commission and the linguistic remaking of India.

Few individual protests have left such an imprint on the republic. "Potti Sriramulu is a forgotten man today. This is a pity, for he had a more than minor impact on the history, as well as geography of his country," historian Ramachandra Guha has written. One man's empty stomach had helped redraw the world's largest democracy.

That history, traced in a 16 July BBC report by India correspondent Soutik Biswas, is the backdrop against which the latest hunger strike unfolded: educationist and climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, then 59, survived 19 days on salt water alone at a protest site in Delhi, losing more than 9 kg while demanding education reforms in support of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP). The Delhi High Court ordered the government to monitor his health and provide treatment if needed.

What we can verify

• Sriramulu's fast and its consequences: BBC confirms the 1952 fast lasted 58 days, ended in Sriramulu's death, triggered widespread unrest, and led directly to the creation of Andhra state and the States Reorganisation Commission. — BBC

• Gandhi's role in politicising the fast: Between 1918 and 1948, Gandhi fasted repeatedly — against religious violence, caste discrimination, and political discord — turning the empty plate into a defining symbol of India's freedom struggle. The British-owned Statesman noted in 1947 that Gandhi had fasted "in a simpler, worthier cause" than any in his long career. — BBC

• Ambedkar's critique: In a 1949 Constituent Assembly speech, B.R. Ambedkar argued that once constitutional avenues existed, fasting and civil disobedience should give way to democratic processes, warning they risked becoming the "grammar of anarchy." — BBC

• Wangchuk's 2026 fast: BBC confirms Wangchuk fasted for 19 days (salt water only) in Delhi in June–July 2026, losing over 9 kg, in support of the CJP's demand for education reform after the NEET-UG paper leak. The Delhi High Court ordered medical monitoring. — BBC

• CJP protests and Pradhan's resignation: The CJP, founded by Abhijeet Dipke after the Chief Justice's "cockroaches" remark in May 2026, led a sit-in at Jantar Mantar beginning early June. Wangchuk joined on 28 June. The movement gained momentum after police used pellet guns on 20 July. Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned on 25 July, the day after Wangchuk ended his fast. — BBC; BBC (5 Aug interview)

• Expert commentary on fasting as political theatre: Anthropologist Sayantan Saha Roy (University of Connecticut) told BBC that hunger strikes in India are "performative" — aimed not just at the state but at the public, whose outrage pressures power. He notes there is "no guarantee the audience will respond," making fasting a precarious protest form. — BBC

What remains unverified

• Whether Wangchuk's fast will achieve lasting reform: Saha Roy told BBC that "whether Wangchuk's empty stomach ultimately changes minds — or simply joins the long roll call of sacrifices that failed to do so — may determine not only the fate of his protest, but also the enduring power of one of India's oldest political rituals." The government has promised fast-track courts for exam leakers and a review of the examination system, but independent analysts doubt structural change will follow. — [unverified]

• Long-term impact on CJP's electoral trajectory: The BBC's 5 August interview with Wangchuk noted the protests weakened Modi "terribly" by breaking "a generational habit of deference." Wangchuk said young people now have confidence they can "change things if they want to." Whether this translates into sustained political pressure or electoral change is unproven. — [unverified]

• Force-feeding and medical ethics: BBC notes governments commonly force-feed hunger strikers after hospitalisation. Wangchuk was forcibly moved to hospital for the final six days of his fast; the medical ethics of such interventions in India remain contested. — [unverified]

A tradition that refuses to die

No country has woven fasting into its political life quite like India. Elsewhere, protesters block roads or hold marches. Indians do those things too. But they also stop eating.

The practice predates the republic by centuries. Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism all attach moral significance to voluntary self-denial. Mahatma Gandhi took that ancient language and transformed it into modern politics. A fast, he insisted, was not blackmail but an act of suffering intended to awaken rather than coerce.

Independent India inherited the habit. There have been hunger strikes demanding farmers' rights, affirmative action, environmental protections, anti-corruption laws, and the repeal of controversial security legislation.

Anna Hazare's 13-day fast in 2011 briefly galvanised a nationwide anti-corruption movement before its momentum faded. Irom Sharmila, protesting against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in Manipur, refused food for 16 years, surviving only because authorities force-fed her through a nasal tube. Medha Patkar has repeatedly undertaken prolonged hunger strikes for fair compensation for dam-displaced communities.

Yet for all their moral power, hunger strikes have never been beyond criticism. Public scepticism has grown. Social media fills with jokes about politicians sneaking meals behind closed doors or breaking their "fasts" with lavish feasts. Some fasts last only hours; others are carefully staged media spectacles with banners, platforms, and live television coverage. Not every empty stomach carries the same political weight.

Doctors are often uneasy participants. After two weeks without food, the body begins breaking down muscle as well as fat. Electrolyte disturbances can trigger fatal heart rhythm problems. Reintroducing food too quickly carries its own dangers. Every prolonged fast unfolds simultaneously as a political protest and a medical emergency.

Governments know this too: force-feeding hunger strikers is common after taking them to hospital. As Wangchuk grew visibly frailer, opposition leaders, activists, artists and musicians urged him to end his fast.

The CJP moment in historical context

Wangchuk's fast appears to follow the same script. "In the public demonstration of his suffering, Wangchuk seems to be following Gandhi's path," says Saha Roy. "As his health deteriorates, his protest gains traction and raises the political stakes for the government. How this unfolds remains to be seen."

The CJP movement supplied the cause; Wangchuk's fast supplied the moral gravity. The NEET-UG paper leak in May 2026 affected over 2.2 million aspirants; at least 21 student suicides were reported in the aftermath, per Indian media. The CJP's sit-in at Jantar Mantar — within five kilometres of the Prime Minister's Office — lasted seven weeks before the July 20 pellet-gun crackdown forced talks.

The BBC's 5 August interview with Wangchuk, after he ended his fast and returned to Leh, captured a shift in tone. Wangchuk told BBC the protests weakened Modi "terribly" — not electorally, but by breaking a generational habit of deference. "They don't have to take everything lying down," he said. "They now have confidence they can change things if they want to."

He pointed to the BJP losing two of three by-elections that week — including a seat in Bihar it had held for more than 30 years — as evidence the damage was already being felt. Yet he maintained India's leaders could still change their approach: "I always believe in people realising their mistakes and amending their ways. So I would give them that chance."

Whether Wangchuk's empty stomach ultimately changes minds — or simply joins the long roll call of sacrifices that failed to do so — may determine not only the fate of his protest, but also the enduring power of one of India's oldest political rituals.